Diplomatic Stunts

The government of Poland's Prime Minister Donald Tusk has long been trying to mend the country's difficult relations with Russia, which had repeatedly been aggravated by Poland's former Prime Minister Jaroslaw Kaczynski and his late twin brother, the former President Lech Kaczynski. The tragedy of April 10, when the presidential Tupolev-154 crashed in a forest near Smolensk, killing all its 96 passengers, including many top state officials and public figures, ushered in a new era of those relations. Images of Vladimir Putin embracing Donald Tusk, thousands of letters of ordinary Russians grieving with their long-estranged brothers, and the candles and white-and-red roses deposed in front of Polish consulates and embassies all touched the hearts and minds of Polish citizens. This was followed by talks of reconciliation on both sides of the border.

Following the election of Bronislaw Komorowski, the ruling Civic Platform's presidential candidate, this foreign policy orientation gained momentum. Complaints about the Nord Stream ceased, a gas deal was signed (although it is currently being reviewed by the EU as it violates EU legislation, notably regarding the sale of surplus gas), and progress was made on a wide range of issues. This led many experts to worry that Poland had abandoned its previous policy of support for the nations oppressed by Russian rule, instead joining the crowd of European states that favor constructive relations with Russia and are ready to give the Kremlin a free hand in its sphere of special interest if need be. 

This newfound serenity has been troubled by the arrival on September 16 of Akhmed Zakayev, the 51-year-old head of the Chechen government-in-exile, to Poland to attend the 3rd World Chechen Congress held in Pultusk, 60 km north of Warsaw. Mr. Zakayev is wanted by an international arrest warrant since 2001, on charges of terrorism, and has since been granted political asylum in Great Britain. It was not his first visit to Poland, a country that has long been a fairly vocal supporter of the Chechen cause, and is home to some 20,000 Chechen refugees. Nevertheless, given the changes in Poland's foreign policy orientation, trepidation was in the air.

It turned out to be a case of much ado about nothing. Following Mr. Zakayev's arrest on friday morning (despite him having informed the authorities of voluntarily turning himself in), the court hastily ruled that, given the political asylum granted by the British government, Poland had no choice but to respect the ruling of a fellow EU member. Donald Tusk had previously announced that Russia should not count on a verdict that it would find satisfying. Adam Borowski, the Chechen honorary consul to Poland, claimed upon Zakayev's release that „this day was the happiest day in my life.” He also declared that the Polish government had done the Chechens a huge service, providing the congress with publicity that it would otherwise have lacked.

The smoothness with which the whole operation was conducted has led some to suspect that the whole entreprise was a political machination meant to prove that Poland is indeed commited to a rapprochement with Russia, but not at any cost. Alexander Smolar, head of the Batory Foundation, voiced this opinion in a radio interview, saying that such a „controled confrontation” would bolster the countries' eastern policy's credibility without provoking much of a negative Russian reaction. Others, such as Tomasz Lis, a popular Polish journalist and editor-in-chief of Wprost, expressed their doubts about the Polish governments ability to plan so many moves in advance. Nevertheless, the Polish media was unanimous in its praise of both the government and the country's justice system for having passed this important test.

There has not been much of a reaction from the Russian side. While pickets have been set up by the youth pro-Kremlin organization Myestnye in front of the Polish embassy in Moscow, experts do not expect any serious feuds in days to come. The Russian General Prosecutors Office issued an extradition demand on Monday, September 20. However, given that Zakayev had already returned to London, this seems to have been more of a formality than anything else. One should not overlook the fact that it was the Kremlin's lack of insistance on the extradition of Zakayev that allowed for such an amicable conclusion. It remains to be seen how Poland's government will react when faced with a more toothy challenge — when it has to make a clear choice between good terms with Russia and supporting its East European allies.